Suxufiyiin Reer Somaliland Ah Oo Ka Qaybgalayay Shir Lagaga Hadlayay Badbaadinta Wariyayaasha Somaliya Oo La Soo Celiyay Kaddib Markii Ay Ku Fashilmee

“Weriyeyaasha Somaliland Waxay Doonayeen Inay Tahriib Ku Galaan Dalka Aanu Dariska Nahay Ee Kenya, Markii Aanu Ku War Helayna Waxaanu Ku Celinay Itoobiya, Waxa Naloo Sheegay Nin Lagu Magacaabo Mustafe Shiine Oo Dhuumasho Ku Galay Kenya Aanu Sugayno In Dib Loo Soo Celiyo”
Sarkaal Kanja,Ciidamada Amaanka Ee Yugaandha
“Qodobada Kasoo Baxay Shirkan Waanu Fulineynaa Waanan Meel Marinaynaa” Guddoomiyaha Ururka Solja, Mustafe Shiine
Hargeysa December 1, 2009 (Haatuf)-Suxufiyiin reer Somaliland ayaa sheegay inay ka qayb galayeen shir lagaga hadlayay badbaadinta suxufiyiinta Somaliya ayaa dib loogu soo celiyay dalka kaddib markii ay ku fashilmeen inay tahriib ku galaan dalka Kiiniya halkaas oo ay doonayeen inay kaga qayb galaan shirweynaha suxufiyiinta Somaliya oo uu soo qaban qaabiyay ururka suxufiyiinta Somaliya NUSOJ oo uu madax ka yahay nin lagu magacaabo Cumar Faaruuq, ayaa waxa ka qayb galay guddoomiyaha ururka suxufiyiinta SOLJA,Mustafe Cabdi Shiine iyo agaasimaha Radio Horyaal, Maxamed Cismaan Mire “Sayid” oo iyagu ka tagay caasimada Somaliland.
Lixda suxufi ee dib loogu soo celiyey dalka oo ka kala socday Horn Cable Tv, C/xakiin Shirwac, Slsc Tv, C/raxmaan Cismaan “Cabdi gab”, shabakada hadhwanaag, C/fataax Mursal, Oodweynenews, C/shakuur Heersare iyo Somaliland Press, C/qani Baynax, wargeyska Ogaal, C/weli Faarax Jaambiir, oo khamiistii toddobaadkii hore dalka ka amba baxay una socdaalay shirweynaha Nayroobi ee lagaga hadlayay badbaadinta suxufiyiinta Somaliya oo la sheegay in fiisayaashii ay u diiday dalka Kiiniya ay si tahriib ah is lahaayeen uga soo gala dalka Uganda lagu qabtay madaarka Entebe ee Uganda oo ciidamada ammaanka ee dalkaasi dib ugu soo celiyeen magaalada Addis Ababa ee dalka Itoobiya ayaa shabakada Qarannews oo soo xigatay sarkaal lagu magacaabo Kanja oo ka tirsan saraakiisha ciidamada ammaanka ee dalka Uganda ay ku sheegtay isagoo u waramaya sarkaalkaasi in suxufiyiintaasi reer Somaliland ay doonayeen in dalka Kenya ay tahriib ku galaan ka dibna ay dib ugu soo celiyeen dalka Itoobiya, isagoo intaa ku daray in gudoomiyihii SOLJA Mustafe Cabdi Shiine oo isaguna si dhuumasho ah ku galay dalka Kenya ay sugayaan in dib loo soo celiyo.
Sarkaalkaasi ciidamada amaanka ee Yugaandha oo shabakada qarannews uga waramay suxufiyiinta reer Somaliland ee ay dib u soo celiyeen ayaa waxa uu yidhi “wariyayaasha u dhashay Somaliland waxay doonayeen inay qaab tahriib ah ku galaan dalka Kenya ee aanu dariska nahay arrinkaas ayaanu ku war helay, waxaanu dib ugu celinay dalka Itoobiya waxa la noo sheeegay in nin lagu magacaabo Mustafe Shiine uu si dhuumaalaysi ah ku galay dalka Kenya isagana waxaanu sugaynaa in dib loo soo celiyo” ayuu yidhi Sarkaalka Kanja.
Waxa kale oo warbixintaasi lagu sheegay in suxufiyiintaasi ay doonayeen in shir lagu qabanayay dalka Kenya oo lagu dhisayay idaacad cusub oo ku hadasha codka Soomaali weyn ay damacsanaayeen in dhismaheeda ay qayb ka qaataan.
Ilo wareedyo ka ag-dhow shirkaasi lagu samaynayay Idaacada codka Soomaaliweyn ayaa sheegay inuu ka dambeeyay gudoomiyaha suxufiyiinta Somalia Mr Cumar Faaruq oo isagu sheegta inuu suxufiyiinta Somaliland iyo Somalia-ba madax u wada yahay oo la sheegay in ujeedad uu ka lahaa suxufiyiinta Somaliland inay ka soo qayb gasho mid uu hay’adaha caalamka kaga doonayay inuu dhaqaale maxaafsiya kaga helo caalamkana ugu tuso inuu suxufiyiinta Somaliland iyo Somalia-ba gudoomiye u wada yahay, taasoo tibaaxaha ka soo baxayaana sheegeen in muddo dhawr bilood ah ka hor mar uu socdaal qarsoodiya ku yimid caasimada Somaliland ee Hargeysa kulan uu la yeeshay gudoomiyaha ururka suxufiyiinta SOLJA Mustafe Shiine ay ku heshiiyeen in suxufiyiinta Somalialnd ay ka soo qayb galaan shirka idaacada Soomaaliweyn oo la sheegay inuu isaguna ka aqbalay, iyadoo wararku intaa ku darayaan in Mr Faaruq iyo Mustafe Shiine ay muddo saddex sanadood ah xidhiidh wada lahaayeen, xidhiidhkooduna bilowday mar Mustafe Shiine saddex sano ka hor siminaar u tagay magaalada Marka ee shabeelada hoose ee dalka Somalia oo la sheegay in Faaruuq kulan ay ku wada yeesheen siminaarkaasi uu ugu qoray in ururka SOLJA uu hoos tagayo ururka suxufiyiinta NUSOJ ee Somaliya ee Cumar Faaruuq madaxda ka yahay.
Ilaa hada xukuumada Somaliland ayaa wax war ah ka soo saarin suxufiyiinta reer Somaliland ee laga soo celiyey madaarada dalalka Itoobiya iyo Ugandha oo muddo dhawr maalmood ah ay ku xidhnaayeen, hase yeeshee doraad ka soo dagay madaarka Cigaal Internatnaniol Arport ee magaalada Hargeysa
Shirkan oo ay soo qaban qaabiyeen ururka suxufiyiinta Somaliya ee NUSOJ iyo urur laga magacaabo Press now oo muddo saddex cisho ah ka soconayay magaalada Nairobi ee dalka Kiiniya ayaa waxa kasoo baxay afar qoddob oo faah faahin uu ka bixiyay guddoomiyaha ururka suxufiyiinta Somaliya ee NUSOJ, Mr Cumar Faaruuq, isagoo ka hadlaya wuxu yidhi “ afar qoddob ayaa kasoo baxay kulankaasi oo ku wajahan in tababaro la sameeyo, barnaamijyo joogto ah oo lagu kobcinayo aqoonta suxufiyiinta iyo in iskaashi ay sameystaan warbaahintu”.
Dhinaca kale lixdii suxufi ee dalka dib loogu soo celiyay ee shirweynahaasi ka qayb geli lahaa oo iyagu doraad kasoo degay madaarka Cigaal Internationl Airport ayaa iyagu xaqiijiyay in shirweynahaasi ay ka qayb galeen laba suxufi oo reer Somaliland ah oo kala ah, guddoomiyaha ururka suxufiyiinta SOLJA, Mustafe Shiine iyo agaasimaha idaacada Horyaal, Maxamed Cismaan Mire “Sayid”.
Guddoomiyaha SOLJA oo ka hadlayay qoddobada kasoo baxay shirweynahaasi ay ka qayb galeen ayaa waxa hadaladiisa ka mid ahaa “Qodobada kasoo baxay shirkan waanu fulineynaa waanan meel marinaynaa qoddobadaasi la gaadhay”.

source: haatuf.net

Maanta HCTV beri yaa hadhay?

Waxaad moodaa in dawlada Somali land marba marka ka danbeysa ay caado u noqotey xadhig iyo caga jugleyn in ay kula kacaan wariyayaasha iyo bahweynta saxaafada somali land. Waxaa iminka la is weydiinayaa maxaa lagu heystaa waa suaal ay dadka inta badan iswaydiyaan, waxaan dhawaan tagay somali land gaar ahan aniga oo u kuur galay saxafada somali land waxan booqday xaruntooda HCTV.
Geeska Africa, jamhuuraya, Hadhwaanag web iyo Radio Hargaysa ,TV Qaran Horyaal radio IWM.
Waxaana shaaha iyo sheekada iskugu kaaya baxi jirtay dhalinta ku hawlan warbaahinta kala duwan ee ka socata Somali land.
Runtii dhalinta ku hawlan saxaafada ma helaan dhaqaalo ku filan mana haystaan aaladaha casiraga ah ee maanta lagu isticmaalo dunidan, iyaga oo ku dadalaya inay helaan wararka xaqiiqada ah. Hadaba sidii maanta loo xidhay TVga ugu hormuudsan TVga ku hadla afka somaliga kaasoo laga heli jirey warar lagu kalsoonyahay. HVTVga oo aan booqday laba isbuuc kahor oo ila muuqday TV ku howlan in aay qanciyaan dadka ka daawada shaashadaha oo radinaya warar sax ah iyo barnaamijyo horumar leh.
Hadaba maanta waxa ku habsatay dhibaato horey loo arkey oo lagu xidhay warbaahin badan iyo suxufiyiin loo taxabay jeelka mandheera, dawlada somali land ayaad mooda in aay caga juglaynta iyo xidhitaanku yahay, mid aay ku doonay in aay ku cabudhiyaan saxafada xorta ah.
Hadaba si kastaba ha ahaatee dowladu waxey u aragtaa saxaafada madaxa banaan mid lidi ku ah, mar aan la sheekaystay mid ka mid ah wasiirada dowlada uu ii sheegay in ay saxaafadu tahay mid been badan alifta ,doonaysana inay iska hor keenaan shacabka iyo dawlada xukanka haysa. Mar aniga oo Documentary duubaya ayaa waxa ii joojiyey labo askari oo aan uu sheegay inaan documentary duubayo ayaa askari ka mid ah igu yiray, ma waxaad tahay kuwa dawlada beenta ka sheegi jiiray.
Hadaba waxad mooda in dadku ay ilaaween doraato la xidhay haatuf shaleyna la xidhey Radio horyal maantana HCTV, barina ??
Iyada oo dowlada somali land gacanta ku heyso idaacadii ugu horeysay ee ku hadasha afka soomaaliga iyo tv ga qaranka iyo jaraa idka Maandeeq, iyagoon laheyn wax tayo ah ayaa mid ka mid shaqaalaha tv ga qaranka igu yiri waxaan ku jirnaa xabsi, kana hadli karin xaqiiqda jirta.
Iyada oo dawlada doonaysa inay afka u dhigato wararka dhabta ah ee ka soo baxa
warbaahinta madaxa banaan ee saxda ah. hadaba dadku waa jecelyihiin inay maqlaan warar sugan iyo barnaamijyo tayo leh waa inay eegaan waxa sharci darada ah ee aay dawlada ku kaceyso.
Somali land waxay ku dhisan tahay kala danbayn iyo wadatashi, iyada oo aad moodo dawladu in aaney dhagaheedu u farnayn shacab keeda, “abwaan ka mid ah abwaanada caan ka ah somali land ayaa waxaa uu yidhi waxa u dhaxeeya dawladan iyo dawladii kaligii taliska aheyd ee Siyaad Barre oo dadka afka ka xidhi jirtay iyo dawladan maanta joogta oo dhegaha ka xidheysa, hadaba dadka somali land ee dalka iyo dibadiisaba jooga dowladani ma waxey sugtay xaqii iyo sharaftii saxaafada mise meel bey kaga dhacdey .

By Weriyaha Caanka ah: Khadar Dirir

Dhiilada Colaadeed ee ceel bardaale Qiil Ma looga dhigi karaa dib u dhaca doorashooyinka Somaliland

03.08.2009 -Colaada mudada badan soo jiitamaysay ee ka taagan deegaanka ceel bardaale xalaada nabad galyo ee ay Somaliland ku caano maashay hoos u dhaceeda kaalin intee leeg ayey ka qaadan kartaa marka loo eego xal u helid la’aanta xukumada Somaliland.
Dhiilada coladeed ee Ceel-Bardaale qiil ma looga dhigi karaa dib u dhaca doorashada madaxtooyada Somaliland mar kale?.
Xukumada Somaliland oo hada jiritaan keedu kor u dhaafay 17 sano ayaad mooday inay si weyn uga gaabisay wax ka qabashada dirirta u dhaxaysa labada beelood ee walaalaha isla markaana isku deegaanka ah.
Shacabka reer Somaliland ayaad mooday hada in ay hada si weyn ugu baraarugeen dhibaatada ka taagan deegaankaas, waxaanay intooda badani eedeeda saarayaan xukumada Somaliland, halka ay dadka qaarna ku sifaynayaan wakhiti xaadirkan mid looga gol leeyahay wax qabasho la’aanteeda arin looga faa’idaysanaayo dane kursi iyo doorashada oo wakhigeeda dib loo dhigaayo.
Hadaba inta ay xukumadu ka fikirayo dane kursi iyo arrimaha doorashooyinka ma laga yaaba in mar kale Somaliland nabad galyadeeda ay qaramada midoobay dib ugu rido god madaw isla markaana hoos ugu dhaadhico darajadaad shanaad iyo lixaad waa hadii ay xaalada ceel bardaale sii kordho (Alle SWT haynaga qaboojiyee).
Dabayaaqadii bishii October ayey ahayd markii hoos u dhac weyni uu ku yimid xaalada nabad galyo ee Somaliland, taasi oo ay dalka Somaliland ka dhaceen qaraxyo fool xumo iyo nusqaan ku reebay shacabiga Somaliland.
Hadaba hadii aan shacabiga reer Somaliland meel kasta ha joogaan su’aal u soo badan dhigo, su’aashaas oo aan u arkay mid macquul ah waxa ay tahay
S. Xukumadu hadii ay xal u weyday isku soo dhawaynta walaalaha is haya, dhaqaale ay ku kala kaxayso miyey weyday?
Sharaxaad
Su’aasha waxaan ka wadaa akhriste hadii ay xukumadu in badan ku guul daraystay in ay kala kaxayso dadka walaalah ee isku hayey deegaanka ceel bardaale miyey u weyday dhaqaale ay ku kala furto oo ay beelba goonideeda si gaara ugala wareegto dhulka uguna badhasho lacag, dhulkaasna ay ka dhigto dhul qaran halka uu hada ka yahay dhul qabiilo.
Tus-mooyin Gaar ah
Xukumada jamhuuriyada Somaliland intii ay socotay dhiilada ceel bardaale waxay isku dayday inay albaabada u laabto war baahiyayaasha hada iyo jeer u dhuun daloola helida wararka iyo soo gudbinta wararka ku saabsan arrimaha ka socda galbeedka Somaliland.
Sidoo kale waxay xukumadu heegaan ugu jirtaa sidii ay u tir tiri lahayd xarumaha war bahineed ee sida gaarka loo leeyahay ee had iyo jeer baahiya wararka isku dheeli tiran een u jan jeedhin dhanka xukumada isla markaana aan baahin wararka xisbiga UDUB.
Xukumadu waxay caado ka dhigtay in ay ku soo gabato had iyo jeer wax kasta oo khal khal gelinaya geedi socodka iyo nabad galyada Somaliland, taasina waxay u samaysaa xukumadu in ay sii hayso talada dalka kuna sii fadhido kursiga madaxweynaha ku abuuray war warka isla markaana ilawsiiyey masiirkii umada Somaliland.
Madaxweynaha iyo xukumadiisu waxay inta badan ku hawlan yihiin isku dayac-tirka hantida qaranka iyada oo aan loo aabo yeelan, waxaana laga masruufaa in ka badan 23 wasaaradood oo aanay intooda badan soo fadhiisan wasiirada iyo sawiiro ku xigeenadooduba.
Halka ay ku dul-man yihiin in ka badan toban kun oo askari kuna kala daadsan degmooyinka iyo jiidaha hore ee Somaliland hadh iyo babeena u heegan difaaca qaranka Somaliland.
Lacagta sida weyn loogu tiriyo madaxweynaha Somaliland waxaa ka mida lacagta loo yaqaano leefiga ee ka soo xaroota dhoofka xoolaha Somaliland oo si toosa u soo gasho madaxtooyada isla markaana aan soo marin wasaarada maaliyada oo ku shaqo leh in lagu soo wareejiyo lacagta ka soo xaroota dhoofka xoolaha.
Intaas waxaa siyaado ku ah lacagaha ayeynaan ka war hayn meel la mariyo iyo sida ay u baxaan, hada dhaqaalahaas aynu kor ku soo sheegnay xukumadu miyey ku kala furan kari weyday labada beelood ee hada isku haya deegaanka ceel bardaale.

source: halganews
Qalinkii: Nimco Muxumed Ibraahin

Qaali540@hotmail.com




Hargeisa/Somaliland

Nairobi (Somaliland Young Politicians) – Dawladda Maraykanka ayaa sheegtay inay si toos ah ugala xidhiidhay Madaxweyne Riyaale go’aankii Gudoomiyaha Komishanka Doorashooyinka Qaranku ku laaleen diiwaangelintii codbixiyeyaasha Somaliland, kaas oo uu Madaxweyne Riyaale-na ku raacay laalista diiwaangelintii codbixiyeyaasha.
War-saxaafadeed shalay ka soo baxay Safaaradda dawladda Maraykanku ku leedahay magaalada Nairobi ee dalka Kenya, ayaa lagu sheegay inay dawladda Maraykanku aad uga xuntahay waxyaabaha ugu dambeeyay ee ka dhacay Somaliland, gaar ahaan go’aankii Madaxweyne Riyaale iyo Komishanka Doorashooyinku ku laaleen liiskii dhowaan la dhammaystiray ee diiwaangelintii codbixiyeyaasha.
“Dawladda Maraykanku waxay si aad ah uga xuntahay waxyaabihii ugu dambeeyay ee ka dhacay Somaliland, gaar ahaan go’aanka Madaxweyne Riyaale iyo Komishanka Doorashooyinka Qaranku ku laaleen liiskii diiwaangelintii Codbixiyeyaasha ee dhowaan dhamaystirmay” ayaa lagu yidhi war-saxaafadeedka dawladda Maraykanka ka soo baxay.
Waxa kale oo war-saxaafadeedkan lagu sheegay inay dawladda Maraykanku rumaysan tahay inay liisaska diiwaangelinta Codbixiyeyaashu yihiin kuwo munaasib ah oo lagu geli karo doorashada Madaxtooyada Somaliland ee loo balansan yahay 27-ka September 2009. “Waxaanu rumaysan nahay inay munaasib ku yihiin liisaska diiwaangelinta codbixiyeyaashu in lagu galo doorashada loo cayimay inay dhacdo 27-ka September.”
Ugu dambayntii dawladda Maraykanku waxay sheegtay inay si toos ah ula soo xidhiidhay Madaxweyne Riyaale, isla markaana ay ka codsatay inuu dib uga noqdo go’aankiisa uu ku laalay natiijadii diiwaangelinta codbixiyeyaasha, waxaana war-saxaafadeedkaas lagu yidhi: “Waxaanu si toos ah ugala soo xidhiidhnay Madaxweyne Riyaale inuu dib uga noqdo go’aankiisa uu ku laalay natiijada diiwaangelintii codbixiyeyaasha.”
Dhinaca kale, waxaa ilaa shalay gelinkii dambe ilaa xalay isa soo tarayey warar sheegaya in Madaxweyne Riyaale uu socdaal kedis ah ugu bixi doono dalka Itoobiya, kadib markii sida la sheegay uu Ra’iisal-wasaaraha Itoobiya Meles Zenawi uu u yeedhay.
Ma jiro war rasmi ah oo socdaalka Madaxweynaha ee la sheegay la xidhiidha, sidoo mar aanu xalay isku daynay inaanu masuuliyiinta xukuumadda wax ka weydiino socdaalka la sheegay inuu Madaxweynuhu ugu baxayo dhinaca Itoobiya, ayaanay noo suurto-gelin, hase yeeshee sida ay wararkani tibaaxeen yeedhmada Meles Zenawi ee Madaxweyne Riyaale ayaa waxay daaran tahay marxaladda cusub ee soo waajahday Somaliland iyo muranka u dhexeeya Madaxweyne Riyaale iyo beesha caalamka ee dimuqraadiyadda iyo doorashooyinka ka taageera Somaliland, taas oo ka dhalatay go’aankii ay Komishanka Doorashooyinka Qaranka iyo xukuumadda Daahir Riyaale ku laaleen liisaskii diiwaangelinta codbixiyeyaasha ee malaayiinka dollar ku baxeen, isla markaana dalka laga saaray wakiilkii hay’adda Interpeace oo qaadhaan-bixiyeyaasha wakiil uga ahayd Somaliland.
Gudoomiyeyaasha xisbiyada Mucaaridka ayaa la filayaa inay maalinta Arbacada kulan kula yeeshaan magaalada Nairobi wefti ka socda wasaaradda Arrimaha Dibadda Maraykanka oo ay hoggaaminayso Xoghayaha Arrimaha Dibadda ee dawladda Xukuumadda Madaxweyne Obama, Mrs. Hillary Clinton, waxaanay hoggaamiyeyaasha Mucaaridka Somaliland sheegeen inay kala hadli doonaan Masuuliyiinta Maraykanka iyo dalalka reer Yurub ee ay kula kulmi doonaan Nairobi sidii ay beesha Caalamku u taageeri lahayd qadiyadda Somaliland iyo doorashooyinka la filayo inay dalka ka dhacaan bisha September ee sannadkan, isla markaana cadaadis ay beesha caalamku ugu saari lahayd xukuumadda Riyaale inay dalka ka qabato doorasho xor iyo xalaal ah oo lagu galo natiijadii diiwaangelinta codbixiyeyaasha.
Dhinaca kale, Masuul ka tirsan shaqaalaha safaaradda Maraykanka ee Nairobi ayaa sheegay in ay ka fekarayaan haddii xukuumadda Riyaale ka noqon waydo go’aankeeda, in sida ugu dhakhsaha badan ay ugu soo rogayaan xayiraad la saaro dhaqdhaqaaqa socdaal “travel visa” ee masuuliyiinta xukuumadda Riyaale ugu baxayaan dibadda, isla markaana xanibaad lagu soo rogi doono dhamaan wixii dhaqaale ah ee u yaala dibadaha.
Talaabadan ayaa noqon doonta mid saameyn doonta gebi ahaanba wasiirada xukuumadda, iyadoo ay dhowaanna qaar ka mid ah diblomaasiyiinta dalalka Midowga Yurub soo hadal-qaadeen fikradda ah in waddamadoodu ka fiirsanayaan sidii ay xayiraad xaga socodka ah loogu soo rogi lahaa siyaasiyiinta iyo masuuliyiinta xukuumadda Madaxweyne Riyaale, haddii ay is-hortaagaan geedi socodka dimuqraadiyadda iyo qabsoomida doorasho xor iyo xalaal ah oo ka dhaca Somaliland.
Bishii July 13-keedii ayaa Hay’ada Human Right Watch soo saartay qoraal 56 bog ah, oo ay cinwaan uga dhigtay “Dimuqraadiyadda Curdinka ah ee halista ugu jirta Qalalaasaha Doorasho wuxuu caddeynayaa walaac ka weyn ee Xuquuqda Aadamaha”. Qoraalkan ayaa ahaa mid si tafi tiran uga waramay tacadiga iyo gafafka dawlada Riyaale kula kacdo saxaafada madaxabanaan, siyaasiyiinta mucaaridka iyo shakhsiyaadka kale ee iyagu markaa wax ka sheega dawlada Riyaale. Waxaana muuqata in war saxaafadeedka maanta Maraykanku soo saaray tahay mid muujinaysa walaaca iyo dareenka xun ee wadamada reer galbeedku ka qabaan sida ay xukuumadda Riyaale u dhaqmayso.
Maaha markii ugu horeesay ee wadamada reer galbeedku saaraan xayiraad noocan oo kale, qaar ka mid ah madaxda Afrika ee iyagu ku xadgudba arrimaha xuquual insaanka iyo dimuqraadiyadda la xidhiidha, balse waxaa iyagana xayiraad noocan oo kale ah hore loo saaray Madaxweynaha dalka Zimbabwe Robert Mugabe, xaaskiisa iyo qaar ka mid ah wasiirada xukuumaddiisa. Waxaa kale oo isna xayiraad noocan oo kale ah la saaray madaxweynaha Sudan Cumar al-Bashir.

Source Haatuf

Images of Somaliland

Please post your view?

1) What do we want from our national government?
2) Do our politicians understand current problems we are facing in our country right now?
3) There is no accountability and transparency in our national government, so how do we overcome this problem?

Please feel free to express our view

What do we want from our government and opposition parties?

First we need to understand what the term ‘government’ means; according to Wikipedia; “a government is "the organization, that is the governing authority of a political unit,"[1] "the ruling power in a political society,"[2] and the apparatus through which a governing body functions and exercises authority.[3] "Government, with the authority to make laws, to adjudicate disputes, and to issue administrative decisions, and with a monopoly of authorized force where it fails to persuade, is an indispensable means, proximately, to the peace of communal life."[4] "A compulsory territorial monopolist of protection and jurisdiction equipped with the power to tax without unanimous consent."[5] Statist theorists maintain that the necessity of government derives from the fact that the people need to live in communities, yet personal autonomy must be constrained in these communities”.
As we all know our government is democratic government but do we understand the definition of democracy. According to Wikipedia; “a Democracy is a form of government in which the supreme power is held completely by the people under a free electoral system”.
We expect our government to provide the following roles for us:
1. Military defense
2. Security (internal) to provide security and to enforce law
3. Economic security
4. Social security
5. Healthcare
6. Environmental security
7. Education
One of the primary problems of our government as well as oppositions parties is lack of policy, transparencies, and accountability. There is lack of vision within our government as well as opposition parties. Our national parties must demonstrates their policies and define them? For example what is the current Education policy of our parties? If they have such policy; where will they get the funds to implement the policy? And how much it cost us?
We want a government that will be a father to every orphanage child in our country; we want a government that will be a son to every elderly women or men who lost their sons or daughters to the war; we want a government that will provide standard education to our children’s, we want a government that will create employment opportunities in part of our country, we want a government that will provide standard health system

Musa Haji

Shift Attention To Somaliland

Shift Attention To Somaliland The situation in the Horn of Africa is rapidly reaching crisis proportions and specifically United States policy towards the one time Somali Democratic Republic needs to be reformulated on the basis of something other than the series of unrealistic assumptions on which it has hitherto been predicated.

Recent events have underscored the deteriorating security conditions faced by the international community as a whole as well as by the Somali and their neighbours, it is time to concentrate on Somaliland, the one part of that geopolitically sensitive space where there is still a peace to be preserved.

As a headline of Jeffrey Gettleman’s news analysis in last Sunday’s New York Times proclaimed: “The situation in Somalia seems, improbably, about to get worse.”

While there are reports that the Ethiopian National Defence Force, one of Africa’s largest and most seasoned conventional armies, were establishing new bases in central Somalia, those positions near the border town of Balanbal appear more to represent a strengthening of Addis Ababa’s ability to intervene as needed in the future than a reneging of the commitment to substantially pull out by the end of the year.

The Ethiopians, with good reason, expect trouble from the steady advance of Islamist insurgents spearheaded by al-Shabaab (“the youth”), a radical group which was formally designated a “Foreign Terrorist Organisation” earlier this year by the US State Department which argued that it is “a violent and brutal extremist group with a number of individuals affiliated with al-Qaeda.”

Three weeks ago, the US Treasury Department slapped travel and financial sanctions on three leaders of the group. But even as it is progressively being encircled, the TFG, which barely controls a few city blocks in Mogadishu – and that only because the Ethiopians have not withdrawn entirely – is continuing to tear itself apart in literal squabbles over scraps. Tensions remain high between TFG “President” Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed and “Prime Minister” Nur “Adde” Hassan Hussein.


A security officer points his gun towards supporters of Somalia’s moderate Islamist leader Sheikh Sharif Ahmed.

Thus the collapse of the TFG is not that far off; then the real problems begin. While al-Shabaab forces have been united in their desire to drive out the Ethiopians and the TFG, the group itself is internally divided into half a dozen or so factions that, despite the rhetoric of transcending regional or clan affinities, are divided along those very lines.

The faction led by Mukhtar Robow is probably the largest, with several thousand fighters, but its composition is almost exclusively Habr Gidr clansmen from the Hawiye.

If in their last coming the Islamists were an annoyance to the lives of ordinary Somalis with the bans against watching World Cup football and chewing of khat, this time they have rendered themselves downright odious through their narrow-minded intolerance. Against this bleary landscape, the one relatively bright spot has been the Republic of Somaliland.

As I have told many Somaliland officials, one of the two most important claims that make on the attention of the international community is their country’s democratic constitutional politics.

Thus the significance of the upcoming poll for Somaliland’s future cannot be underestimated: take away the popular participation in and legitimacy of its institutions of governance, and the case for an independent Somaliland becomes that much less compelling.

The other important claim which Somaliland puts forward is its role as a bulwark for the international community’s security interest in preventing the spread of the chaos emanating from the rest of the former Somalia. The creation, equipping, training, and deployment of a modernised Somaliland coast guard constitute a key component of any viable strategy for maritime security in the Gulf of Aden and adjacent waters.

Furthermore, Somaliland is critical to humanitarian efforts throughout the region. However, because the international community does not recognise Somaliland’s claim to independent statehood, the Office of the UN Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has no mechanism in place to register these displaced Somalis while, for its part, Somaliland receives none of the bilateral assistance for relief and development which would ordinarily be forthcoming to a country which was trying to cope with a similar influx of refugees.

The incoming Obama administration would be better advised to deploy its resources in a rough triage that privileges saving what can be saved, rather than vain attempts to preserve that which is already lost.

To this end, a way must be found to engage Somaliland, supplying its under-resourced government and civil society with relief and development aid and security assistance needed to survive the wave of extremism and violence which will come to the region’s frontiers.

Peter Pham is director at James Madison University in Harrisonburg, Virginia

what do you know about Haji Farah Oomaar

Umad kasta oo aduunka ku nool, waxay leedahay tariikh iyo halyeeyo ay si gaar ah u xusto kuna dheehan jiritaankooda umadeed sidaas awgeed Somaliland Aduunka iskamay iman ee waxaa u soo halgamay Libaaxyo u huray naftoodii iyo maal koodii uma baahan in aynu markasta xasuusino si ayna u halaabin taariikhda ma guuraanka ah ee umadeenu leedahay jiilka cusubna ugu baraarujino in ay bartaan halyadeena(Somaliland heroes),hadaba waxaan ka cudur daaranaya hadii wax khaldan ay articalkan ka soo baxaan maadaaba mudo hore ay ahayd goortii tarikhdu dhacday.

Haaji Faraax Oomar wuxuu ku dhashay dagaanka Gobalka Saaxil agagarka Xeebta dagmada Xagal ee dhinaca waqooyi bari ka xigta magaalada Barbara markii ay taarikhdu ahayd sannadkii 1880kii, wuxuuna ka dhashay family maal qabeen ah kuna can ahaa maalka kala duwan miyi iyo magaalaba, waxaana dhalay Xaaji Oomar Ileeye oo ahaa wax-garad aftahmo ah lagana yaqaanay dagaankas(saaxil), dhamaan gobalada kale ee Somaliland iyo somaliyaba laguna yaqaanay geesinimo,deeqsinimo iyo ala ka cabsi ahaana culumada reer Somaliland ee wakhtigaas fariidaqa Qadiriyya tariqa (brotherhood) Sidaas awgeed Xaaji Farax Oomar oo da’yar wuxuu fursad waxbarasho u helay waxaana lagu daray milcaamad Qur’aan mudo ka dib ayaa Berbera lageeyey halkaas oo ka sii watay barashada diinta islaamka iyo luuqada carabiga , mudo ka dib ayaa waxaa la furay school uu lahaa isticmaaliyadii ingiriisku kaas oo lagu daray Faraax Oomar iyo caruur kale oo ay ka mid ahaayeen Ciise Faranji ,Fideer(gidhi gidhi fadeel aabihii ),Xuseen Kaatoli, Axmed Cali (Micheal Mariano aabihii) tira caruurtaas oo ahayeen 11 wiil, waxaay ahayd tii ugu horaysay waxbarashada casriga ah barata ee somaliyeed . Nasiib daro magacyadooda 11kaa wiil ma wada hayo marka laga reebo kuwa aan magacyadooda xaga hore ku xusay .si kastaba ha ahaatee wiilashii halkaas waxbarashadii kumay dhamaysan sababtoo ah waxaa ka horyi carqalado badan oo culumada iyo dadka rayidkuba u arkayeen in ay tahay tijaabadii ugu horaysay ee caruurtooda lagu galeenayay maadaaba duruusta schoolka ku barayaneen(curriculum) farta romanic script sidaas awgeed waxaa loo qaaday Faraax Oomar iyo 11 wiil ee kale Cadan, waxayna wax ka baran jireen school la odhan jiray Marry Church kuna yalay dalka yemen gaar ahaan bartanka magaalada cadan (central of adan city).

Markii schoolka uu soo dhamaystay Faraax Oomar oo qiyaastii da,diisu tahay 28 wuxuu ku soo noqday Somaliland halkaas uu noqday sarkaal ka tirsan ciidamada bariga Somaliland ee Rakuublayda” Regiment sergent camel crops” Isla markiiba Faarax Oomar oo ahaa nin firfircooni, karti geesinimo ilahay ku manaystay wuxuu ka dhidhiyay sidii ay isticmaalkii gumeysigii dadka ula dhaqmayay,faraax oomar halkaas xilkii ayaa lagaga xayuubiyay waxaana lagu sameeyey dabagal iyo in indho dheerada lagu hayo. Mudo ka dib faarax wuxuu waxbarasho scholarship ah ka helay dalka India(south asia) oo la odhan jiray wakhtigaa Hindustan ka talinaysay boqortooyadii British Empire, wuxuuna soo bartay Faraax Oomar cilmida shirciyada iyo garyaqaaninimada (Law). Waxay Xaaji Faarah Oomar halkaas isku barteen xidhiidh siyaasi oo guumaysi diida ahna dhex maray mr Gandhi oo ahaa siyaasi xeel dheer xornimo udirir ahaa iyo maxamed cali jinaax(Qaadi Asam) oo ahaa halyay u doodayay xaquuqda dadka musliminta ah ee reer Pakistan ,waxaana dhexmaray kulumo kala duwan isla markaasna waxay isla garteen in guumaysiga ay dalalkooda ka saran (India and Somalia).Markii Xaaji Farax Omar waxbarashadii soo dhamaystay wuxuu ku soo noqday Somaliland wuxuuna garyaqaaninimo kagaga shaqeeyey magalada Barbara iyo Burco iyo Hargaysa,wuxuuna isla markiiba bilabay kacdoon siyaasi ah iyo olole guumaysi diid ah madaama uu ahaa siyaasi hibo u leh hogaaninimada wuxuu markiiba helay tageero xad-dhaaf ah wuxuuna ku dagalaamayay aqoon xeelad fog iyo waya aragnimo ay ku lifaaqan tahay aragti siyaasi ah oo casri ah wuxuna bilaabay kacdoon mudaharaado ah”Haji Farah was an experienced political leader, and, according to Touval, was ‘one of the first modern politicians to emerge in the Protectorate’”,sidoo kale xaaji farax wuxuu xidhiidh la lahaa jaaliyada reer somaliland ee east Africa(Kenya) iyo culimada reer somaliland madaama uu dhalay sheikh ehel diin ah .waxaana taas marag u furaysa xaaji farax wuxuu markasta halku dhig u ahaa kacdoonkiisa siyaasiga ah in reer somaliland ay yihiin dad islam ah isla markaasna ka soo jeeda asalka carbeed oo aan lola dhaqmi Karin sida qomiyada Bantu ga iyo waliba in ay iyagu ay dalka leeyihiin oo anay cidna uga amar qadanahayn. waxaa kale oo faraax oomar ka soo hor jeeday kala qaybintii Somalia,wuxuuna yidhi”my country is too small so that my people cannot be divided”.Hadaba inkastoo bilawgii hore uu xaaji farax Omar kali ku ahaa halgankiisii markii danbe waxaa taageeray Nadi Atiya Rahmani Associatio oo ahaa urur ay sameeyeen beesha reer sixisaxaaq bun axmed bun haashin(isaaq) xarumana ku lahaa Burco, Hargaysa, Berbara iyo ceerigaabo ,waxaanay afhayeen matala u doorteen farax omar(Nadi Atiya Rahmani Association, a sort of Somali welfare club, which had been founded by Isaq traders in 1935 and which had branches in Burao, Hargeisa and Erigavo.Secondly, in 1938 they appointed Haji Farah Omar as their representative in British Somaliland).waxaa 1930s sii xoogaystay dhaq dhaqaaqii Faraax Oomar ku hayay British Somaliland markii taariikhdu ahayd1938 wuxuu Faarax Oomar la xidhiidhay jaaliyadii reer Somaliland(Isaaq) ee Kenya waxayna u doorteen ergayga u qaabilsan Somaliland British.maadaaba Faarax omar ahaa nin karti badan oo firfircooni iyo hibo aqoon rabi ku manaystay wuxuu olole ka bilaamay magaalada Burco bishii Augus 1938kii islamarkaasna wuxuu noqday afhayeenka xornimo u diirirka, xarnimo doonka waxaana doortay indheergaradkii Reer Burco iyo caaqiladii waxaana saxeexay 125 qof (We the under signed Akils and elders of Burco British Somaliland do hereby declare that we have come to the conclusion that we have nominated and appoint Haji Farah Omar to represent British Somaliland subjects grievance and we fully authorize him to represent in whole matters which injures and interests the tribe.),

Dhamaadkii bishii August ayaa cuqaashii, waxgaradkii iyo culamadii Hargaysana ay qalinka ku duugeen in xaaji farax omar ileeye yahay afhayeenka umada somalia” By the end of August he was gaining support in Hargeisa. Signatures were collected supporting his appointment as ‘spokesman”.sidoo kale Abdillahi Warsama oo ahaa culumada uga waawayned reer Somaliland oo guubaabinaya dadka isla markaasna xoojinaya dhaqdhaqaada xaaji faarax omar ayaa yidhi:Ninkii aan raacin muslinta, taageerina xaaji faarax omar wuxuu noqonayaa mid diinta ka baxay islaanimadiisuna dhamaatay(In the mosque a wadady Abdillahi Warsama, was alleged to have declared: ‘The man who does not follow (other) Muslims and appoint Haji Farah Omar as spokesman is finished with his religion) Isla markaasna wuxuu safaro ku kalo bixiyay Burco iyo Hargaysa iyo berbara ilaa Ceerigaabo, wuxuuna xarun ka dhigtay Burco maadaaba Burco ahayd tiirarka ugu adag iyo waliba xudunta lagaga kacsanaa isticmaalkii guumaysiga waayo waxaa dhamaan ka bilaamay kacdoonkii xornimadoonka waxaana ka mid ahaa Shikh Bashiir Revolution , Darawiishtii iyo Nadi Atiya Rahmani Association, Qadiriyya tariqa (brotherhood) iyo qaar kale oo badan . La soco qaybaha takhiirda xaaji Faarax Oomar waxanan idinku balan qadayaa in aan sawirkiisana soo raaciyo.Qalinkii A.Maliki Abdi Hassan(indho cade)Pakistan,Islamabad

Where I Stand Muj. Ibraahim Maygaag Samatar

Where I Stand Muj. Ibraahim Maygaag Samatar
My name is Ibrahim Megag Samater. I was a Cabinet member of the Siyad Barre regime for nine years and then his Ambassador in Bonne for one year. In 1981, I defected from his regime and sought asylum in the US. After a few years, I became active in the liberation movement against the dictator, becoming one of the leaders of the Somali National Movement (SNM). Even though my official job was the representative of the movement in North America, more than half of my time was spent in the field among the elders and militants, risking my life several times.

My last task in the SNM was as chairman of its Central Committee. My most exhilarating moment in that struggle was in Burao, May 1981, when as chairman of the Central Committee, I had to announce officially the decision of the people of Somaliland to restore their sovereignty.

After the Borama Conference in early 1993, I was elected as a member of the House of Representatives. But, I immediately resigned to pick up the pieces of my life, which I have sacrificed so much during the struggle.

Since then, I have been mostly silent on political issues. I feared that my words would be misinterpreted. I had no intention to create any problems for my people. One can only give so much if you are sincere. Now that I have been away for so long and I am not in any competition for a political post, it may be about time for me to speak. In thus speaking, I am not in the business of personal attacks and condemnations. I intend to stick to the higher field of principles and morals. What I want to do here is a statement of principles. It is mainly for the younger generation to whom the future belongs. These are simple words of principle from a retired man. This statement as such, is simply to clarify for citizens of Somaliland where they are going and what their future is to be and where they are to go from here. The future is theirs and the decisions are theirs. All I want to do now is to state in a concise manner what the outlining principles should be as I see them.

I am outlining here some major issues of principle of which the wider public should know of every “politician’s” position. Without further ado let me list some of these issues of principle.

I-On Somali Unity

This was an issue of great importance for all Somalis everywhere and anywhere during the struggle for independence. The goal was to unite all the Somali territories that have been divided by the colonial masters. As a young high school student, I was one of those who were totally absorbed by that issue. As a student and later as a responsible adult, I fought for that cause. We all know the story now. To unite all Somalis and their territories became impossible in the present state of the international arena—There is no need to go into details. Now, Djoubti is an independent country, the Somalis in Ethiopia and Kenya are trying to get their luck and rights in those countries where they live. We were then left with the union of Somaliland and Somalia alone. Even though Somaliland, before 1960, had more economic trade and other relations with Djoubti and Ethiopia, it opted for unity with Mogadishu for the sake of that larger cause. It was not to be and yet the union between Hargeisa and Mogadishu became sour.

The union kicked off without real negotiations and sound legal foundations (this was the fault of the people and leadership of Somaliland). It started with inequality with Somaliland being treated as simply a backyard province rather than a country, which sacrificed its sovereignty for the sake of larger unity. As long as the democratic system was in place people entertained the hope that change for the better was possible.

But after the military coup a slow process of recolonizing Somaliland by Somalia began until, in the later years of the regime, it culminated in total suppression, destruction, and attempted genocide. In such conditions, resistance was inevitable. In 1991, the resistance succeeded, the regime disintegrated, Somaliland restored its sovereignty, and Somalia ran into uncontrollable mayhem which is still continuing.

What needs to be done now is :

i- Somalilanders should stick to their sovereignty

ii- Those in Somalia have no choice but to accept that sovereignty

iii- When Somalia reaches that stage the two states should become friendly and work out their relationships in a fraternal manner and after that work on a more rational relationship in the Horn of Africa.

The different governments that succeeded one another in Somaliland were all dedicated to seeking recognition from the international community, as was the general public. In order to forestall this issue, with which we all concur, from becoming a bone of contention between those contending for power, let us make it a collective effort in which the executive, the legislative bodies, the political parties and civil society associations all take their part. This is a process that has already started but it needs to be formalized and structured. This approach led of course by the executive will enable us not only to take initiatives in the countries we consider vital, but also to be present in every international and regional meeting or conference where Somali issues at large are being discussed, without becoming one of the Somalia factions. Up to now our public were suspicious that the leadership may reach an accommodation, which undermines the sovereignty of Somaliland and as such the various governments were prevented from making our voice heard in such forums. The new collective approach should dispense with that suspicion and may even enable us to gain some friends in Somalia for our cause. When and if the opportunity arises we may also be of some help in their reconciliation. This will also speedy up the attainment of our recognition. I believe Somaliland has reached a stage that is beyond fear on this score.

II- On Democracy

Democracy is one of the misunderstood, misinterpreted and misused words in the political vocabulary of the world. Again, these words are not a treatise in political science, so I do not want to go into further analysis. But, in the context of our situation in Somaliland certain points have to be highlighted. The essential content of democracy is that political rule must be based on the consent of the governed—the people. This can take many forms, some better than others. It has been experimented in many ways in many places throughout human history.

We Muslims know democracy. It has been practiced in the early days of Islam. The basic principles are enshrined in the Quran. Those who are sceptical about this matter please read Surat ‘Ala-Umran.’

Nevertheless, I do not believe that the present form of democracy through multiparty system and one person-one-vote is evil. It is only one of the forms of democracy that has been performed and practiced by humans. And it is fine if we continue to improve it. Having said that , I do not believe that the multiparty system is a cure for all our ills. It hast to be complemented by our cultural and religious traditions. Otherwise, the parties will become a shell without content. They will become a façade for a new type of dictators who dominate their parties preventing their members and their voters at large to have a real choice.

There is a simple way to avoid that pitfall. Let our democracy be participatory rather than formal. The way to do it is two-fold:

i- Let the parties themselves be democratic. There should be registered members at the lowest level who pay their subscriptions. These members should be able to elect their committees and representatives at all level all the way to the top of the leadership. This means that the members of the Party will have a common programme to which they are committed and a leadership, which they trust, rather than nepotism. If this is not done the political parties, which we are imitating from the West will just deteriorate into clan affiliations with all their inherent conflicts.

ii- The second means is decentralization of the administration. This should not be a formal statement. It must be enshrined by law and put into practice from the villages, districts and regions. These organs must be able to not only elect their leaders but conduct their own development projects and their administrations. What is left for the Central Government would be co-ordination, planning and keeping the peace of the nation at large.

III-On the Guurti and Clannism

What I have said above in no way negates the importance of clans. They are institutions that have evolved through the ages and enabled us to survive. Unless the function clanism performs is replaced by other institutions it is not going away. But, we know it is a double-edged sword. Depending on how it is handled by the leaders of the time, whether they are elders or politicians, clanism can be a good tool for peace, reconciliation and progress. Handled wrongly it is a powerful tool for fratricide and conflict. Just look at what is happening in Somalia (the former South). The question is what to do with this double-edged sword in our cultural tradition. It has been the genius of the SNM struggle to find a way out. Making the Guurti, representing traditional leadership, a constitutional political body, rather than peripheral individuals which the then authorities can use them as they wish, was a good solution born out of the SNM struggle. And that is one of the reasons that Somaliland is blazing a road much different from what our brothers in Somalia are going through.

Recently, we went through a crisis when the Guurti unilaterally renewed for itself another term. For a self-interested body to do this is a travesty of justice. But, we know the root cause. We haven’t yet found a way of electing the Guurti. Before the constitution was passed the members were simply selected by their clans through the traditional system of elders. Now our present constitution says that the Guurti—the upper house of our bicameral system—has to be elected, albeit under a special law. That law has not yet been debated or drafted. Without belabouring the point, I personally do not believe that the Guurti should be elected through a general one-person-one vote system. If this is done it will not be a Guurti, but a replica of the house of representatives.

We have two choices to solve this problem:

i- to elect the Guurti on a popular suffrage like the House of representatives, as I said before I oppose this alternative because the Guurti then loses its reason for existence. If we choose the above position the Guurti will be like the American Senate. And then we would need another body to represent our traditional clan system for which we have a sociological need.

ii- Rather than creating too many bodies which we can hardly afford in our nascent democracy. Let us have the Guurti in its present form but debate seriously how we can reconcile the electoral and the traditional. Let the Guurti represent the latter but find a way where clans can select their representatives in an agreeably equal way. I believe we can find a solution. But, let us be open-minded.

IV- On Islam

It is clear today that there is a Western onslaught on Islam presenting it as backward, anti-human, anti-women, anti-democratic and most recently terroristic. This is nothing new. Long time ago since Europe dominated us, it was the function of so-called Orientalists to present an ideology in which the West is the progressive, logical and rational entity, while we are showed as irrational people who deserve to be ruled, to be civilized. It is enough to read Edward Said’s Orientalism to get the picture.

What is new today is the infamous War on terror and the new ideology of “Clash of Civilizations” to justify all types of aggressive and destructive wars from Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia and other places in order to ‘democratize and civilize us through ‘Regime changes.’ We in the Islamic world who know better realize that this is a dead-end road that leads nowhere for all of us, the East as well as the West. We also know that this so-called “clash of civilizations” is a figment of some peoples’ imagination. It has little to do with historical reality. We know that, and they know it too, despite their denials, that it was Islamc Civilization that has revived the Egyptian heritage, the Greek and Roman Civilizations. From Islamic Scholars like Ibn Rushdi and Ibn Khaldun they have learned their heritage when they were in the ‘Dark Ages.’ Cultures and religions learn from one another and there is no clash, unless artificially created by the imagination.

Genuine Muslim Scholars know better. They not only know the basics of Islam. They also know the history of its development. Those Orientalists, who are sincere, in their study of the Orient, also know that Western Civilization would not be what it is without Islamic contributions. We were their teachers and later they imposed themselves as our teachers. It is not a question of knowledge. It is a question of power. But, still we cannot deny that, after our glorious days, we Muslims declined. Long before European invasion and colonization of our lands we were weakened by internal conflict of many sorts—Sunni against Shia, umawiin against Cabbasiyiin, and later particular nationalisms. What the colonialists conquered was an already weakened Umma by its own conflicts. Now where do we go from here as an Islamic Umma? I myself have no definitive answer. But, certain things are clear: (i) Revival of Islamic morals are necessary. (ii) Democratization of our countries so that in each country it is the voice of the people that is heard and rules. (iii) Co-ordination among the countries themselves, even in their present condition. (iv) Resistance to this onslaught and showing our weight to the world as an Islamic umma.

But, there are more points that have to be said on this issue. There are those among us, feeling frustrated and humiliated, who are lashing out indiscriminately killing innocent civilians, including fellow Muslims, in the name of Islam. I, for one, do not sympathize with those kind of people. These groups and their actions are providing the perfect excuse for those in the West who want to attack us morally, politically and militarily. You can say that they are two sides of the same coin. In saying this we have to distinguish them from genuine resistance movements like Hamas and Hizbullah. Theirs is a true liberation struggle against oppression and they have every right to utilize their faith in strengthening their morale. The ones I cannot sympathise with are those groups elected by nobody, representing nobody, having no country and yet are trying to impose on us their brand of Islam, if Islam it is. The result of their actions only serves and strengthens the oppressors.

Let us not get confused by these demagogues. Our heritage is clear. We have the Quran and the tradition of the prophet(CSW). But, we also have our differences in interpreting these texts and traditions. This is normal. The prophet (CSW) said that differences of opinion in my umma is a blessing[ Ikhtilaafu ummattii Rahma]. This is the basis of the “shura” [consensus] because this is how decisions are made in society. We should also remember that the great Islamic legal scholars who codified the sharia laws did that several hundred years after the prophet(CSW) and the khulafa u Rashidin. Of course these legal codes are based on the Quran and the tradition of the prophet. But, they did it through their “Ijtihaad” and they did us a favour. Who said the ‘Ijtihaad’ is over and done with?

V-On Governance

It is a well-known historical fact that after decolonisation the newly independent African regimes did not go foreword: the economy, after a short spurt of growth, slumped into stagnation and decline in many countries; political freedoms metamorphosed into one-party systems or military dictatorships; the standard of living of the common people deteriorated while few enriched themselves—primarily on public resources; and finally the very security of persons and groups became in danger if they called for correction.

There is no wonder if such a deterioration in the system of governance led to social and political strife: in some cases resulting in peaceful accommodation and transition to a better level, and in others to violent civil wars and sometimes a failure of the state.

Explanations for this atrophy differ. Old colonial ideologues revert to overt racism—Africans are not fit to rule! Dismissing that racism aside many African intellectuals put the blame on the operational domination of the world economy and the strengthening of power in the hands of old colonialists, their new replacements and co-operation with local elites through neo-colonial attachments. I have no quarrel with that explanation. I just believe it is not sufficient. There are other former colonies, especially in Asia, which did well. So, we must also look inward, no only for explanations, but also for further change and improvements.

Needless to says the system of how to run a government: constitutions, political parties, civil service, police, army etc, was imported wholesale at the dawn of independence. The West, from whom we imported the system, had several hundred years to digest it: they had their internal strife’s, their revolutions, their inter and intra-wars. The African indigenous systems of rule did not have that chance to evolve. They were destroyed or mutilated by cataclysmic events like the slave trade and colonial subjugation.

It is not a crime to borrow something from a better system. I have said earlier that human cultures interpenetrate one another. But, the importation of a whole system, stock-lock-and barrel, is the problem. Plants do not grow in an inappropriate soil and climate. It was therefore inevitable that historical development after independence would be bumpy until African peoples find the road to their second liberation, each country in its own way. I believe that future historians will regard Somaliland as one of the countries that have blazed the road for the new African regeneration, that is the regaining of the original goals of the decolonisation movement: Liberty with social and economic progress. In the meantime, we have to consolidate our achievements so far, refine them and think ahead in order to avoid continuous crisis.

What I have said so far about the political parties, decentralization, the role of culture and religion is part of the general system of good governance. I want to add only two more points. To confine political parties at the national level to three is sensible. We wanted to avoid the free for all confusion that paved the way for the military coup de tat in 1969. But, that should not mean the creation of monopoly political power to three particular parties only. That will ossify political development and will definitely breed future crisis. There is nothing better than to leave the market of political ideas open, trust our people, whom I consider mature enough, but still limit the number of national parties to a few. How to do it is a matter of detail, which we can achieve, given sincerity and good will.

The other point I want to make in this context is government performance per se, no matter which political party holds the reigns of power.

i- To consolidate the existing peace and expand justice the government as the guardian of the law must be the first to uphold and abide by it. The checks and balances between the branches of government must be respected, with the independence of the judiciary invioble.

ii- The executive branch of the government must be lean and clean. We cannot afford huge ineffective bureaucracy which is valued not for its productivity but for its job providing service through nepotism. The main task of the executive, as I see it, is to implement the laws passed by the legislative branch, propose new ones, guide plan and co-ordinate and provide the vision of where to go next [ I am, of course, not minimizing its job of providing for defence and security, and conducting foreign policy,] Its job, viewed from the is perspective, shares the characteristics of a teacher. As such, therefore, it must stress quality and assist the private sector, in job creation. However, stressing quality in the civil service and the armed forces should not go to the extreme of neglecting representation. After all we are a nation of clans where unity and justice requires fair representation of the various clans in public affairs and institutions. We should therefore work very hard in combining merit and representation.

iii- The requirement of government to be clean means the struggle against corruption. Needless to say, corruption is a fact of human life in both rich and poor countries, especially the latter, and has been so throughout history. It stems from greed, a bad aspect of human character, which unfortunately gets more pronounced in some of the powerful and wealthy in all countries of the world. However, admitting this fact in no way means submitting to it. Horrible facts can be fought and have been fought like slavery and colonial oppression and have been defeated. So, today horrible facts like poverty and corruption can be fought and overcome. This means that we have to be vigilant

iv- This vigilance has several means at its disposal. The primary requirement is that all government activities [may be with the exception of concerns of national defence] must be transparent; organs of the executive such as the accounting office, the auditor-general, and the Presidency can first check this transparency. Then by the select committees of both chambers of the legislature. And finally by the public at large, especially civil society organizations and the independent media. Putting such instrumentality into action constantly will reduce corruption, though it may not eliminate it altogether. In all of this the leadership, at all levels, must provide exemplary model.

VI-On the Economy

I am not writing an economic programme. Neither am I writing a party platform. This is a statement of principle by one person. Therefore much will not be said here, except a few points that touch on the principle aspect. There was a prevalent opinion, in the early days of independence, in many African countries that the state should take a leading role in the economy, not only in planning and guidance but in directly productive activities as well. The lack of a middle class who could make the required investment and the success of Soviet-type economies at the time provided the rationale. Some expressed this in terms of some kind of socialistic rhetoric, others in simple statism. But in all, the attitude was overriding. Hence the proliferation of parastatals. The capitalist world, because of Cold War competition, tolerated this approach.

We all know that with the passage of time this did not prove to be a panacea. On the contrary parastatals became inefficient, a breeding ground for nepotism and corruption, and a source oiling dictatorial machines everywhere. The resulting disillusion is inevitable. Then, with the weakening of the Soviet system, and the rise of the right-wing in the West, came what was termed the Washington consensus. This refers to the agreement on global economic policy among the US treasury, the International Monetary Fund, and The World Bank—all in the same proximity in Washington D.C. The essentials of this policy framework were an emphasis on the market and the reduction of the role of government in the economy. The catchwords were privatization, stabilization (i.e. reduction of government expenditures, especially on social services) and open trade. In this view the less regulation the better even after the state auctions off its assets. It was a policy of unbridled capitalism, with which the European Union and other donors, both official and commercial, concurred. It was applied without mercy to developing countries and those in transition from communism to capitalism with disastrous results. Today even the IMF and the World Bank have admitted some of the adverse effects of such policies on the poor and are claiming to revise them. Today we can see with hindsight that both approaches served ideological positions—from the left and right respectively—rather than economic rationality. The experience of many countries—specifically East Asia—has shown that there is a third way. Rather then viewing thestate and the market in antagonistic conflict, they can be seen as complementary. Economic growth requires a vibrant private sector. But, there is also need for strong state policy to plan, guide, and co-ordinate all kinds of economic activity, specially the financial aspect. Also an unbridled market is a greedy machine that rolls over the weak resulting in misery and unacceptable inequalities. Governments, therefore, must look for the public good. That means, not only regulating the market, but also engaging in human development such as health, education and the environment. In our case, this third way is the best option.

VII- By Way of Conclusion

.We know we are a poor nation. But, poverty need not be a curse. There are nations with meagre resources like us who overcame poverty. Human development and its mobilization can compensate for the lack of resources and perform miracles. In addition to investing in health and education human development also means instilling solidarity and a sense of belonging to one another, having a common future and destiny, among the citizenry and their various communities and clans. Competition in business, politics and among the communities can be both healthy and unhealthy. If the unhealthy aspect is not fought fiercely it can turn into ugly fratricide [look at the situation in Somalia]. One of the reasons motivating me to write this simple piece is that I noticed from afar that this competition is beginning to turn ugly. Simple matters that can be resolved through amicable discussion and dialogue between the concerned personalities and organs are sometimes turned into unnecessarily highly contested national controversies wasting, when they are finally resolved, a lot of energy and good will.

Let us check that tendency in time. We still have not lost that capacity for good will and democratic dialogue, inherited from the struggle of SNM, which is the basis for the success of Somaliland so far. We need to revive moral values of integrity, cooperation, forgiveness and brotherhood in our people. And while this task is the duty of all of us, the primary burden falls on the leadership: political (whether in power or aspiring to it), religious, community elders, and the intelligentsia. We need to rise above minor squabbles and take the high moral ground. Some of you may say that I am too idealistic and out of touch. I do not think so. I believe what is written here is simple and practical. I am an optimist and have always been so even at dark moments when my life was in danger. Even if these words are idealistic, so be it. After all it is the image of the future that moves people and it is vision that enables a society to organize itself for the better. It has been said long ago that those who do not learn from history are condemned to repeat it. It is my hope and belief that we have learned enough and will continue to move forward.

Wa billahi al-towfiq.

Ibrahim Maygag Samater

E-mail: lurash55@yahoo.com

We must defend our beloved country!!!

What is reason behind this evil action against our beloved country?? I think we will never know the real reason but we can prepare to prevent it happening again in our soil; by working together i.e. government agents, opposition parties, parliaments and the public. We have to be vigilant; report any suspicious activities we see to the police and the local authority. We can only prevent further attacks if we collaborate and work together. The government must control our border and the our secret service agencies must work hard to prevent further attack and to provide secure environment for our nation. We must unit against any terrorist that want to destabilising our country.

by Musa Haji

araxyo Ismiidaamin ah oo ka dhacay caasimada Somaliland ee Hargeysa

(Jam)- Qaraxyo waaweyn ayaa saaka abaaro 10:00 aroornimo ayaa gilgilay magaalada Hargeysa, kuwaasi oo dad isa soo miidaamiyay isku qarxiyeen saddex goobood oo kale ah Madaxtooyada Somaliland, xafiiska dawlada Itoobiya u qaabilsan arrimaha ganacsiga iyo xafiiska UNDP ee Hargeysa.

Qaraxyadan waxa ku naf waayay 20 ruux, halka 28 qof ku dhaawacmeen. Allah ha u naxariistee dadka ku geeriyooday waxa ka mid ah xoghayihii gaarka ahaa ee madaxweynaha Somaliland marxuun Daahir Cali Iid, la taliyihii arrimaha hay’addaha marxuun Xuseen Muxumed Afgaab, Xubin guurtida ka tirsan Maxamed Cismaan Libaax, askar ka tirsan ciidanka Qaranka, shaqaale ka tirsan UNDP iyo dad shicib.

Weeradani argagixisada ahi waxay ku soo beegmeen xilli dalka Somaliland looga diyaargaroobayo doorashooyinka madaxtooyada oo lagu gudo jiro diiwaangalinta codbixiyayaasha.

Bishii September sannadkii 2005-tii ayay ahayd markii ciidanka amaanku gacanta ku dhigeen kooxo argagixiso ah oo xag jira, kuwaasi oo isku dayay in ay carqaladeeyaan doorashooyinkii baarlamaanka Somaliland.

Haddaba weeraradan lala beegsaday caasimada Somaliland ee Hargeysi waxay fajiciso ku noqdeen dadka reer Somaliland meel kasta oo ay joogaan, maadaama ay dhawr iyo tobankii sanno ee ugu danbaysay dalkoodu ku soo caano maaslay nabadgalyo iyo xasilooni dheeraada oo aan inta badan ka jirin waddamada deriska la ah.

Dhanka kalena magaalada Boosaaso ee maamul goboleedka Puntland ayaa laga soo sheegay in weeraro kuwan la mid ahi ka dhaceen saldhigyo ay lahaayeen ciidamada la dagaalka argagixisada, halkaasi oo hal ruux ku dhintay , toddoba kalena ku dhaawacmeen.